Senate Leader Julia Kirt Stood With CAIR. House Leader Cyndi Munson Did Too — And She Is on the Ballot Now.

Kirt is locked in. Munson is running for governor on November 3. Same CAIR partnership. Different deadline. The work is now.

Oklahoma’s highest-ranking Senate Democrat did not wait to see what the state’s own investigators would find.
On August 13, 2026 — one day after Gov. Kevin Stitt directed the Department of Public Safety and the Office of Homeland Security to assess whether the Muslim Brotherhood, the Council on American-Islamic Relations, or people acting with them present a terrorism or public-safety threat in Oklahoma — Senate Minority Leader Julia Kirt issued an official statement calling the order “fear mongering and scapegoating.”
“The governor’s order was issued without any proof,” Kirt said. “What we do know is that CAIR works to protect the civil rights of Oklahoma Muslims in the face of ongoing profiling and discrimination. These are our friends, neighbors, co-workers and fellow citizens.”
That is the Senate Democratic Leader putting the caucus letterhead behind an organization the FBI has restricted for outreach since 2008, that federal prosecutors listed as an unindicted co-conspirator in the largest Hamas-financing case in U.S. history, and that the United Arab Emirates designated a terrorist organization in 2014.
Kirt is not going anywhere. Filing closed. No Republican filed against her in Senate District 30. She was re-elected by default and will not appear on the November 3 ballot.
That is the closed file.
The open file is Cyndi Munson.
Kirt is the warning. Munson is the vote.
Munson is House Minority Leader, District 85, first elected in a 2015 special election. She is the Democratic nominee for governor of Oklahoma. She won the June 16 primary with 74.9 percent. On August 25, Republicans nominated Mike Mazzei. They meet on November 3, along with three independents.
If Munson wins, the same political partnership Kirt just defended from the Senate podium moves into the governor’s office — appointments, public-safety posture, and the power to ignore or fight a CAIR review instead of running one.
That is what can still be done. Not a letter to a senator who already won without a name on the ballot. A governor’s race, 65 days out.
Munson’s CAIR record is not a rumor. It is a program.
On March 5, 2018, CAIR-Oklahoma held its 4th Annual Muslim Day at the Capitol. The published agenda listed Rep. Cyndi Munson as a speaker. After Islamic prayers in the second-floor rotunda, the program called for a citation presentation from Munson, then visits to legislators’ offices.
That is not “showing up for constituents.” That is the House Democrat who later became minority leader giving CAIR’s lobby day an official face and an official citation inside the Capitol.
She has also voted the way CAIR asked.
In 2020, HB 3967 declared Israel a prominent trading partner of Oklahoma and barred state contracts with companies boycotting Israel. CAIR-Oklahoma recommended a no vote and called the bill an attempt to “stifle free speech.” Munson voted no. So did Julia Kirt in the Senate. Gov. Stitt signed the bill anyway.
So the pattern is the same in both chambers: Capitol-day partnership with CAIR-OK, public recognition of the group, and a roll-call that matches CAIR’s Israel/BDS line.
Kirt put it on letterhead in August 2026. Munson put it on a gubernatorial campaign in 2025–26. One is already locked in. One is asking for the whole state.
What CAIR actually is — not the brochure version
CAIR presents itself as America’s largest Muslim civil-rights group. That is the line both leaders use.
The public record is thicker than that.
In 2007, federal prosecutors in the Holy Land Foundation case listed CAIR among unindicted co-conspirators and placed it under “members of the US Muslim Brotherhood’s ‘Palestine Committee’ and/or its organizations.” HLF executives were later convicted of routing more than $12 million to Hamas. CAIR was never charged. The listing is not a conviction. It is also not gossip. It is a government pleading the FBI later cited when it changed policy.
Trial evidence placed CAIR founders Omar Ahmad and current national executive director Nihad Awad at a 1993 Philadelphia meeting of the Brotherhood’s Palestine Committee. In 1994, Awad publicly said he supported the Hamas movement. CAIR received early seed money from HLF. A CAIR-Texas founding board member, Ghassan Elashi, was convicted in the HLF case and sentenced to 65 years.
After those convictions, the FBI restricted non-investigative outreach with CAIR field offices. Oklahoma was not a footnote. On October 8, 2008, James E. Finch, special agent in charge of the FBI’s Oklahoma City field office, canceled a Muslim Community Outreach Program meeting “as a result of the planned participation by the Oklahoma chapter of CAIR.”
In 2014 the United Arab Emirates placed CAIR on its official terrorist-organization list, alongside the Muslim Brotherhood. Washington did not follow. The UAE has not taken CAIR off.
Stitt’s August 12 order did not ban Islam. It directed an intelligence-based assessment of specific organizations and told state agencies to urge a federal foreign-terrorist-organization review. Kirt called that fear mongering. Munson has spent years treating CAIR as a civic partner. Neither has publicly drawn a line between ordinary Muslim Oklahomans and CAIR as an organization.
Those are not the same thing. Neighbors who worship in Oklahoma City and Tulsa are not the Palestine Committee. CAIR is.
What we can do now
Kirt’s Senate race is over. Dwelling there is therapy. Munson’s race is not.
November 3 is the governor’s election. Munson is on every Oklahoma ballot. Mazzei is the Republican nominee. Independents Robert Brooks, Orlando Bush, and Jerry Griffin are also on the ballot. Early voting and absentee windows will open on the state’s published calendar. Registration still matters for anyone not on the roll.
Do these things, in order:
Treat Munson’s CAIR partnership as a campaign issue, not a footnote. Ask her, on camera and in writing: Does she stand with Kirt’s August 13 statement? Will she, as governor, shut down or support the DPS/Homeland Security assessment of CAIR and the Muslim Brotherhood? Will she keep giving CAIR Capitol-day citations and speaker slots?
Put the same questions to Mazzei. A Republican nominee who will not say the words “CAIR” and “Holy Land Foundation” in the same sentence is leaving the issue on the table. Demand a public position on EO 2026-29 and on whether a Munson administration would bury it.
Share the primary documents, not the vibe. Kirt’s Aug. 13 Senate release. The CAIR-OK YouTube of Kirt’s May 13, 2024 floor recognition. The 2018 Muslim Day agenda naming Munson as speaker and citation presenter. The HB 3967 roll call. The Finch letter. The HLF unindicted list. The UAE designation. Links are public. Use them.
Do not outsource this to one TV ad from a super PAC. County GOP chairs, church bulletins, farm groups, veterans posts, and school-board networks still move more votes in Oklahoma than a single Oklahoma City news cycle. Print a one-pager. Read the floor transcript out loud. Ask why both Democratic caucus leaders made CAIR their friend.
Separate people from the organization every time you talk. The argument is not “Muslims should not vote” or “Muslims should not worship.” The argument is that CAIR’s founders sat in the Brotherhood’s Palestine Committee meeting, that federal prosecutors put the group on the Hamas-financing co-conspirator list, that Oklahoma City’s own FBI office cut formal outreach, and that the two Democratic floor leaders in this state keep handing that group a microphone.
Kirt already won. Munson has not.
A Senate leader who calls a terror review “fear mongering” is a problem for the next four years in one chamber. A governor who comes from the same partnership is a problem for every agency that would have to carry out the review — or kill it.
That is the live race. That is the work now.





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